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May 3, 1999

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The Rediff Interview/Zhou Gang

'India should abandon its nuclear weapon development programme and accede to CTBT and NPT immediately and unconditionally'

T he request for interview with the Chinese ambassador to India, His Excellency Mr Zhou Gang, was made in early March 1999. The embassy agreed in principle to the interview, but requested a fax of the questions in advance. The questions were faxed mentioning that there would be supplementaries too. When the embassy agreed to the interview finally, the condition was that only the questions faxed would be answered.

April 21, 1999, 1500 hours, the Chinese ambassador's residence, New Delhi. A hot April sun beats down, but inside the residence, it is cool. Chinese vases and beautiful artifacts decorate the room where the interview is held. The Chinese ambassador then proceeds to read out the answers from a prepared text to Amberish K Diwanji, which is now reproduced faithfully below.

How would you describe China-India relations today?

Since April and May last year, some new problems have cropped up in the Sino-India relations. The responsibility, however, is not on the Chinese side. It was just at the time when Chinese government and people hoped to take friendly, stable and mutual trusted Sino-Indian relation into the 21st century and were making unremitting efforts for this purpose, some personaliities in India accused China of posing a threat to India's security so as to justify India's nuclear test.

All of this not only deeply hurt the feelings of Chinese people but also seriously harmed bilateral relations. This is the crux of the problem. Proceeding from the overall interests of safeguarding the Sino-Indian relations, the Chines side showed considerable restraint. The Chinese side was compelled to refute the groundless and charges against China by certain personalities and make clear its own principled position so as to not only clarify right from wrong but also bring the Sino-Indian relations back onto the track of healthy development at an early date.

We hold that only established on a healthy basis can the Sino-India relations maintain sustained development. This basis means that the two sides trust each other, do not view the other side as a threat and strictly adhere to the five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence in bilateral relations. We have noted that recently the Indian side has expressed its willingness to attach importance to and make efforts in restoring and developing the bilateral relation, not to view China as an enemy.

The officials from the Foreign Ministries of China and India held a useful meeting in Beijing in late February. This meeting has provided a new starting point for the improvement and development of the bilateral relations between China and India. The 11th session of the Joint Working Group on Boundary Issue will be soon held in Beijing. We hope that through talks, the two sides will enhance mutual understanding and make joint efforts to promote restoration and development of the bilateral relations.

At the important historical juncture of the turn of the century and at the approach of April 1, 2000, an occasion of diplomatic relations between China and India, the two big neighbours shoulder both the responsibilities and obligations to take a long term, friendly cooperation and steady, neighbourly relations between them into the new century. This not only serves the basic interests of the people from the two countries but also is conducive to peace, stability and development of Asia and the world at large.

Is China willing to accept India as a nuclear power today? Does Beijing consider it necessary for India to sign the CTBT and the NPT to improve Sino-Indian ties and before China signs the same?

In accordance with the provision in the 7th and 13th executive paragraphs in the UN Security Council Resolution 1172, India should abandon its nuclear weapon development programme and accede to CTBT and NPT immediately and unconditionally. There, China's position on this issue is very clear. It is wrong to regard the nuclear issue of South Asia as an issue between China and India, which is in fact an issue between the international community and India.

As is known to all, Resolution 1172 was unanimously approved by the UN Security Council through consultations. According to the United Nations Charter, the Security Council represents the international community. For India's part, the only option in solving the nuclear issue of South Asia lies in fully complying with Resolution 1172. China, as a permanent member of the Security Council, participated in the Security Council's consultation. China has no other option but to abide by Resolution 1172.

As a nuclear weapon state, China positively stands by and participates in the international efforts for preventing nuclear proliferation, promotes the nuclear disarmament process and commits itself to achieving the ultimate aim of complete prohibition and thorough destruction of nuclear weapons throughout the world. China acceded to NPT in March 1992 and has fully complied with international duties of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and made contributions to the indefinite extension of the treaty. China had participated in the negotiation of CTBT from beginning to end and signed the treaty on September 24, 1996, on the very day when it became open for signature.

What is China's position on Kashmir? Does it accept Kashmir as a part of India or considers it a disputed territory? If Beijing consider Kashmir a disputed territory, how does it feel that the dispute can be best resolved?

China's position on the Kashmir issue is fair, open and aboveboard, which has become universally known. The Kashmir dispute is an issue left behind by history. Disputes between India and Pakistan over this issue have been consistently going on during the past 50 years since the independence of the two countries. There is also the Shimla Agreement reached between India and Pakistan. It is recognised too in the Lahore Declaration signed by the two prime ministers of India and Pakistan in February this year that Jammu-Kashmir issue is a dispute between the two countries. China sincerely hopes that India and Pakistan should hold frank dialogues to find a peaceful solution to the Kashmir dispute through consultations.

Do you think India and China should improve trade ties to help boost bilateral relations?

It is the consistent policy of China to strengthen with India trade and economic cooperation and contacts in other fields. China has always taken a positive attitude towards this end. Bilateral trade and economic relations have witnessed rapid development over the past decade and more. Trade volume between the two countries increased from US $117 million in 1987 to US $1.92 billion in 1998. All this is, however, incompatible with the overall economic strength and huge markets with a total population of 2.2 billion in the two countries. As the two most populous and largest developing countries in the world, their trade and economic cooperation are complementary and their markets attractive to each other. And there is great potential for further cooperation will be beneficial both to the economic development of the two countries, the development of their bilateral political relations and bring benefit to their people. The Chinese side is willing to take a positive attitude toward cooperation with the Indian side for this purpose.

The Russian prime minister, Yevgeny Primakov, spoke of a strategic triangle involving Russia-China-India. What is Beijing's view on this subject?

China has consistently pursued an independent foreign policy of peace and is willing to develop friendly relations and cooperation with all countries in the world on the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence. In handling international affairs, China determines its position and policies by proceeding from the fundamental interests of the people of China and other countries and never seeks for an alliance with any power or bloc of countries. It is not directed against any third country that China develops bilateral relations with another country.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama has agreed to accept China's suzerainty on the condition of being given "genuine autonomy". Why is China not agreeable to the idea? What is Beijing willing to offer Tibet?

The claim that China has suzerainty over Tibet is nothing but a lie concocted by the imperialists who wanted to invade and enslave Tibet in their attempt to separate Tibet from China. The Dalai Lama has taken advantage of this lie so as to try to justify his activities of splitting the motherland and try to deceive world opinion. It is known to all that Tibet is an inalienable part of the Chinese territory and an autonomous region under the sovereign jurisdiction of the Central Government of the People's Republic of China.

Since the Yuan Dynasty in the mid-13th century, the Central Government has always controlled the power of establishing local administrative bodies in Tibet, appointing local officials, stationing troops, dispatching and recruiting corvee labor, conducting census and census register and making representation to the outside world, thus effectively exercising the sovereign jurisdiction over Tibet. All this is universally acknowledged by the international community.

The Dalai Lama's demand for the so-called "genuine autonomy" is a kind of tricks (sic) to mislead public opinion. It is because Tibet has already become a national autonomous region of China, which puts into practice the system of national regional autonomy and enjoys extensive autonomous rights. The essence of "autonomy" demanded by the Dalai Lama is to achieve the aim of Tibetan independence in two phases. This first one is to restore the rule of the Dalai Lama over Tibet and the systems of Old Tibet and the second is to realise the "Tibetan Independence". This will never be acceptable to all the Chinese people, including the Tibetan people.

The Tibetans claim that they are being reduced to a minority in their own homeland with Beijing forcing ethnic Chinese to settle in Tibet. The Tibetans say this is part of a policy to wipe out Tibetan culture, religion and language. Your comments.

The Tibetans that you have mentioned in your question are by no means the Tibetan people. They are only the Dalai Lama's clique and its followers. The Dalai clique's accusation concerning this issue is fabricated with ulterior motives.

Let us look at the following facts. At present, Tibet has a population of 2.44 million, with the Tibetan ethnic group making up 95 per cent of the whole population and the people of Hans and other ethnic groups accounting for only less than five per cent. Therefore, there doesn't exist at all the problem of forcing "Hans immigration" into Tibet and reducing the Tibetans to a minority in their own homeland.

The Chinese government has consistently pursued the policy of respecting and scientifically carrying forward the splendid national traditional culture. Since peaceful liberation of Tibet in 1951, especially during the past two decades, the fine traditional culture of Tibet has witnessed unprecedented development. The Chinese government allocated special fund to renovate temples such as the Potala Palace and other religious venues. With the protection of the Constitution and laws, Tibetan people enjoy the freedom of conducting normal activities. The traditional cultural heritage and folk art in Tibet have been systematically investigated, collected, collated, published and studied. Clear stipulations have been drawn up regarding the study and use of Tibetan language. All this is welcomed and supported by all the Tibetan people. These are the facts known to all.

Will Beijing welcome the Dalai Lama and fellow Tibetans back to Tibet? What is the best way to settle this dispute?

After he failed in the armed rebellion in 1959 and fled Tibet, the Dalai Lama has pursued his reactionary position of betraying and splitting the motherland. As for the Dalai himself, the Central Government has done everything possible by telling him what is right and pointing a way out for him. The Central Government has repeatedly reiterated that it will negotiate with the Dalai Lama only of he abandons his demand for "Tibetan Independence", stops all the activities of splitting the motherland and makes a public statement recognising that Tibet is an inalienable part of the Chinese territory, that Taiwan is a province of China and that the Peoples Republic of China is the sole legitimate government representing the whole of China. After that, the Dalai Lama is welcome to return to the motherland and do some work beneficial to the Tibetan people in his remaining years.

Today, we still follow this policy. However, it doesn't mean that the history of the Dalai Lama's betrayal of the motherland can be changed. As long as the Dalai Lama doesn't stop the activities of betraying the country and making trouble in Tibet, he will be resolutely opposed by the Chinese people, including the Tibetan people.

Is China willing to allow Tibetan refugees in India the right to travel to Tibet and allow Tibetans in Tibet the right to travel to India?

The Chinese government has been very concerned about the overseas Tibetans and pursued the following policies: "patriots belong to one family", "anyone is welcome, whether he embraces patriotism early or late" and "free movement in and out of the country". By "patriots belong to one family" it means that unity will be realised on the basis of patriotism. With regard to the policy "anyone is welcome, whether he embraces patriotism early or late", we mean that only if anyone who used to be engaged in the splittist activities stops the activities of splitting the motherland and changes his position of "Tibetan Independence", is welcome at any time by the motherland and the people.

On the other hand, the Chinese government hopes that the Tibetans who remain living abroad abide by the laws in the host country and live in harmony with the local people. Since 1979, Tibet and other Tibetan-inhabited areas have received over 10,000 overseas Tibetans who came back for sightseeing and visiting their relatives.

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